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Thursday, September 25, 2008

Analysis: Legislating Reforms
Submitted by: Subodh Mishra, Governance Institute

The ongoing turmoil on Wall Street is providing activist shareholders and Democratic lawmakers a historic opportunity to push reforms that could help alter the prevailing U.S. corporate governance model from one that is director-centric to one that is more shareholder-centric.

While the proposed reforms would be welcomed by good-governance advocates, corporate advocates and other observers are warning of unintended consequences from “hasty” congressional decisions as lawmakers race to shore up an economy weighed down by the credit crisis.

Provisions allowing for proxy access, or the ability of shareholders to nominate corporate directors, and non-binding votes on executive compensation, were contained in a draft bill sponsored by House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank of Massachusetts. That bill also would limit senior executives’ compensation by excluding incentives for those who take risks deemed “inappropriate” or “excessive,” allow for “claw backs” of ill-gotten gains by executives, and bar severance payments to executives.

A companion draft bill in the Senate, put forward by Christopher Dodd of Connecticut, chairman of the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, similarly would restrict some forms of executive compensation, though it did not contain a “say on pay” or proxy access provision. Provisions of both Democratic bills apply only to those companies seeking aid under the proposed $700 billion bailout program.

Dodd announced on the afternoon of Sept. 25 that negotiators had reached agreement on "fundamental principles" and that a final bill could be ready within days, but details on governance provisions were not disclosed. Reports indicate that the Bush administration had agreed to some restrictions on executive compensation at companies participating in the bailout.

This is “good governance coming in through the federal backdoor,” said veteran Washington attorney John Olson, a partner at the law firm of Gibson Dunn & Crutcher. Olson predicted on Sept. 24 that a final bill may contain a “say on pay” provision, though proxy access is not likely to be included.

According to Olson, supporters of access will have to wait, though potentially not for long. Democratic presidential nominee Barack Obama and Republican presidential nominee John McCain “will likely support access and appoint a [Securities and Exchange Commission] chairman who will push for it,” said Olson. “Both have run fairly populist campaigns, so there’s a fairly high likelihood they will appoint someone who will get it through.”

Other observers share Olson’s skepticism of any final bill containing language allowing for access, while still others question the wisdom of legislating governance reforms. “I don’t think putting the [governance] provisions into the bill is a good idea,” University of Delaware professor Charles Elson told Risk & Governance Weekly. “These issues are complicated, and to add them through the bill in a rush is not necessarily thoughtful.”

According to Elson, “say on pay” and access are issues that “need to be settled through hearings and debates” and that the appropriate process for putting in place such mechanisms for shareholders is effectively being “leapfrogged.” That, he said, may hinder reform efforts down the road.

“Look at claw-back provisions under Sarbanes-Oxley,” Elson said, arguing such provisions were put together hastily, and that observers would now be hard pressed to find cases where those provisions were used successfully.

“Federalizing this issue and leaving federal courts to resolve such concerns is not the way to go,” said Elson. “They would not be able to create the consistency of the approach that you see in Delaware, and, ultimately, that would lead to less accountability for shareholders.”
Elson called this week’s dealings on Capitol Hill the most fluid situation he’d ever seen and that it was “anybody’s guess” as to how a final bill might look.

Still, activists were hopeful that the window of opportunity presented by the bailout would not close without significant reforms being legislated, including proxy access.

“One of the critical aspects for us in dealing with this is that there be a strengthening of the governance at these companies so this doesn’t happen again,” said Daniel Pedrotty, director of the AFL-CIO’s Office of Investment. “We need tools to hold boards accountable, and central to that is ‘say on pay’ and proxy access.”

Pedrotty agreed with the need to approach any governance-related legislation deliberately, though he dismissed claims that the House bill did not do so. “The sky will not fall as a result of these reforms, and claims to that effect are just not credible,” he said.

Richard Ferlauto, director of pension benefit policy at the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), said Sept. 23 that he anticipates that the final bailout bill will include some limits on “golden parachute” payments and a claw-back provision. “It’s pretty clear there is bipartisan support to demand some reciprocity [from financial firms] on the pay issue,” he told Risk & Governance Weekly.

Ferlauto recalled that AFSCME went to court to try to get access procedures in place at American International Group, which was taken over by the U.S. government on Sept. 16. After the union fund won a 2006 court ruling, investors were allowed to file access proposals in 2007, but the SEC barred those resolutions before the 2008 proxy season. “With independent board leadership at AIG, some of this mess could have been avoided,” Ferlauto said.

Regardless of what happens with the bailout bill, Ferlauto said he expects Congress will consider legislation to address “say on pay,” claw-back provisions, and possible caps on deferred compensation early next year. In the long run, the bailout debate “gives a tremendous impetus to ‘say on pay’ as a market-wide response,” he said. He also is hopeful that Congress will approve access legislation in the future. “Proxy access is an essential part of these reforms,” Ferlauto noted.

Support for the House and Senate bills from investors more broadly were noticeably tempered with respect to the “say on pay” and proxy access provisions. In a Sept. 23 press release, the Council of Institutional Investors made no mention of either provision, or expressed support for the House bill over the competing version in the Senate, which lacks those reforms. The council’s corporate governance guidelines have long backed proxy access and call on companies to give investors an annual, non-binding vote on compensation. In its statement, however, the council did indicate it supported congressional efforts to curb pay at those firms benefiting from the bailout.

Broader Support for Pay Restrictions
While many investors said they would welcome proxy access and “say on pay” provisions, more were focused on proposed pay restrictions whose probability of remaining in any final bill appeared much higher.

Both the draft House and Senate bills would limit compensation by excluding incentives for executives who take risks deemed “inappropriate” or “excessive,” allow for “claw backs” of ill-gotten gains by executives, and bar severance payments to executives.

In a bid to compromise and speed passage of the bailout legislation, Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and President George W. Bush agreed to accept some pay curbs, though it was unclear on the afternoon of Sept. 25 as to what specific provisions will be in the final bill.

“The American people are angry about executive compensation and rightfully so,” Paulson told the House Financial Services Committee on Sept. 24, according to the Associated Press. “We must find a way to address this in the legislation without undermining the effectiveness of the [bailout] program.”

Bush administration officials and Republican lawmakers earlier warned of the potential consequences of imposing pay restrictions as part of any bailout package. “While it is very appealing to think about executive compensation as being a part of this, one of the drawbacks to that is perhaps that we would have fewer entities participate in what is essentially a voluntary act,” Republican Senator Mel Martinez told CNBC on Sept. 22.

Pay restrictions were imposed as part as of the 1979 federal bailout of Chrysler. CEO Lee Iacocca agreed to a $1 salary while other executive salaries were cut as much as 10 percent, according to news reports. However, those restrictions ended in 1981, and executives received retroactive payments for about two-thirds of the compensation they lost, according to a Heritage Foundation report on the bailout.

Investors are welcoming the government’s acknowledgement of the need to curb pay and say legislating of compensation-related reforms may spur further, much needed changes in the way pay is structured and approved.

Any compensation restriction provisions “will bring [executive pay concerns] further into the mainstream and give it momentum,” noted Michael McCauley, senior corporate governance officer at Florida’s State Board of Investment. “Though the bill will only apply to those companies seeking federal aid, it may prove an ideal pilot-program to see how such restrictions work in practice more broadly.”

But the devil will be in the details when White House officials and lawmakers complete their work on the bailout legislation. So far, a number of ideas have been floated by lawmakers ranging from a proposed downward revision on corporate tax deductions on executive compensation from a maximum $1 million down to $400,000, to capping the total compensation of CEOs at bailout firms at $2 million.

During a Sept. 22 campaign speech in Scranton, Pennsylvania, McCain said “senior executives of any firm that is bailed out by Treasury should not be making more than the highest-paid government official,” Bloomberg News reported. The president’s salary of $400,000 is the highest of any federal official.

Any agreement on pay restrictions may also bode well for investor efforts to curb pay during the 2009 annual meeting season, should such restrictions gain currency as part of any final bill.
Limiting severance pay and related compensation has been a major focus of labor funds and other investors over the past several years. According to RiskMetrics records, AFL-CIO proposals calling for limits on executive employment contracts received more than 30 percent support of votes cast “for” and “against” at Merrill Lynch and Citigroup this year, which is widely viewed as a strong showing for a first-year proposal.

Proposals filed by AFSCME calling on companies to establish anti-gross-up policies also fared well, garnering more than 40 percent support at three companies in 2008.Those first-year proposals generally sought to bar or limit payments to executives that would cover taxes incurred from change-in-control or other termination-related payments.

Business Community Responds
Members of the business community this week were eager to move forward with the bailout and viewed governance provisions as sticking points that would retard the process of bringing liquidity to the marketplace.

“It’s simply not appropriate,” Thomas Lehner, director for public policy and corporate governance at the Business Roundtable (BRT), told Risk & Governance Weekly. “We are opposed to [corporate governance] provisions in the House plan; proxy access should go through the SEC and [say on pay] has partially been through the Congress. This would not be the time to address the issue.”

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce also cautioned lawmakers against buckling to special interests. “The current legislation must not become a vehicle to advance pet interests, completely overhaul the financial regulatory system, or exact revenge against those believed to have gotten us into this mess,” Executive Vice President for Government Affairs R. Bruce Josten said in a Sept. 23 statement. “All of those issues can, should, and must be addressed—but not now.”

The BRT’s Lehner warned of the potential consequences of allowing for any form of proxy access, particularly in the current economic environment where holders of 3 percent or more of common stock at financial firms could well be sovereign wealth funds, hedge funds, or private equity firms. “It opens up the potential for abuses, and that may well worsen the [economic] situation,” Lehner said. “This is an issue that is rightfully regulated by state corporation law, and best left out of congressional hands.

One potential consequence of the access provision’s inclusion in the draft House bill could be that there will be greater acceptance of the 3 percent threshold in the future. A proposed SEC draft rule last year set the ownership threshold at 5 percent (for filing proposals to establish access procedures) though many shareholders argued in favor of lowering it to 3 percent.

The ongoing crisis on Wall Street may ultimately prove to be a significant spur for corporate governance reforms much as the collapse of Enron and WorldCom gave rise to the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 and related listing standard changes.

“Every scandal is an invitation for Congress to intrude,” noted former Delaware Supreme Court Chief Justice E. Norman Veasey at a Sept. 23 panel discussion in Washington on proxy access hosted by the Federalist Society. “It could lead to a lot of mischief down the road in terms of federalism.”

Ted Allen contributed to this article.

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